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Learn more Check out. Abstract This paper employs concepts and analytical frameworks drawn from Sociology, particularly collective memory, to examine China's attempts — and the limitations of those attempts — to improve relations with Japan in the new century. Citing Literature.
Related Information. Close Figure Viewer. Browse All Figures Return to Figure. Previous Figure Next Figure. Email or Customer ID. Forgot password? Old Password. New Password. Password Changed Successfully Your password has been changed. Victories and successes boost national pride, but losses and disasters lead to disappointment or anger. These days, the party-state is generally cautious enough not to make a fuss about such events until victory or success is achieved.
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Its approach to anti-foreign sentiments is quite different. It is no secret that the party-state customarily manipulates such sentiments to its advantage. This becomes a problem for the CCP when Chinese nationalists blame the state for perceived inaction, unprincipled compromises, or humiliations, or demand more or tougher action from it than the leadership is prepared to take. The Chinese government typically prefers to avoid confrontations with foreign countries while controlling the information available to ordinary Chinese citizens and manipulating their reactions to international events, ensuring that the situation does not backfire on the party-state or get out of hand.
Although the CCP cannot afford to ignore popular demands entirely, it can afford not to respond to every popular demand. Its ability to do this is probably enhanced because it is not an elected government and is therefore less susceptible to popular pressure. To what extent is nationalism controlled by the central government, rather than serving as an independent force?
Nationalism in China is certainly not an independent force.bosol.com/screenshot/mythopoeia/6217.php
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Such sentiments may be called nationalism insofar as they are related to national autonomy, unity, and identity, but the party-state is very much in control of this kind of nationalism, although it has proven a challenge from time to time, as previously mentioned. Looking at the issue more broadly, most Chinese nationalists do not differentiate between nation and state but take the two as one and the same. This conceptual manipulation is coupled with political control of nationalist sentiments and expressions, thus making Chinese nationalism subordinate to party-state interests.
Chinese nationalism will not become an independent force unless it rids itself of party-state control. Independence would probably start from a conceptual differentiation between the nation and the state, and between national sovereignty and state sovereignty. Indeed, Chinese nationalism cannot even be considered nationalism—in the original sense of the word—unless it embraces the notion of popular sovereignty, the notion that all power belongs to a nation of people, not the state.
The most well-known Chinese nationalist who has written on conceptual differentiation of this kind is Wang Xiaodong. He stresses the difference between national interests and state interests and between national rights and state rights, which do not always overlap and can even be contradictory. What such thinkers need is an ideological breakthrough and an ideological movement demanding popular sovereignty, which would pose a far greater challenge to the party-state and its dominance of nationalist discourse.
In an era of increasing connectedness, what happens when Chinese nationalism encounters foreign viewpoints that are skeptical or critical about China and its rise on the world stage? There have always been some foreign viewpoints that are critical of China and others that are sympathetic to China. The United States and Japan are not simply regarded as enemies but as successful examples as well, and many in China—including its leaders—would probably prefer to have them as friends.
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In addition, Japan and the United States represent both things to be rejected and things to be emulated; they are admired for their achievements in science, technology, and economic development, but resented for criticizing China or trying to contain it. In other words, the two countries were benchmarks of modernization and sources of inspiration and aid as well as important trading partners.
Ordinary Chinese could detach themselves from the occasional war of words between the Chinese and U. However, things seem to have changed a fair bit in the last two decades or so. Quite the contrary, both countries are believed to have performed poorly in the recent global financial crisis and to be troubled by fundamental problems in their economic systems. With the recent U.
In any case, the United States seems to be looming large again as a threat in the eyes of both CCP leaders and the Chinese populace. This perception is not simply detrimental to Sino-U. It also adds to the difficulty of separating national interests from party-state interests.
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